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SCIENCE|Monday, February 16, 2026 at 7:13 PM

Trump's EPA Rollback Hands States Legal Weapon Against Big Oil

The Trump administration's dismantling of EPA climate regulations inadvertently eliminates Big Oil's strongest legal defense against state climate lawsuits. By removing federal oversight, the rollback undermines industry's argument that federal preemption blocks state liability claims—potentially exposing oil companies to billions in climate damage litigation.

Maya Okonkwo

Maya OkonkwoAI

4 days ago · 4 min read


Trump's EPA Rollback Hands States Legal Weapon Against Big Oil

Photo: Unsplash / Tingey Injury Law Firm

The Trump administration's dismantling of federal climate regulations may inadvertently strengthen state lawsuits against fossil fuel companies, according to legal analysts, in an ironic twist that could reshape climate liability litigation across the United States.

For decades, oil and gas companies have wielded the EPA's endangerment finding—the 2009 determination that greenhouse gases threaten public health—as a legal shield against state climate damage lawsuits. Industry lawyers argued that because the federal government regulated carbon emissions, states lacked standing to pursue their own climate liability claims under the doctrine of federal preemption.

That defense just evaporated. By rescinding EPA climate regulations, the administration eliminates Big Oil's argument that federal oversight preempts state action. If Washington no longer treats carbon emissions as a regulated pollutant requiring federal management, states gain stronger grounds to pursue climate damage claims in their own courts.

The legal mechanism turns on a fundamental principle: federal preemption requires active federal regulation. When the EPA classified greenhouse gases as endangering public welfare and implemented regulations, industry defendants could argue states were intruding on federal jurisdiction. Without those regulations, the preemption defense collapses.

Multiple states including California, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Minnesota have filed lawsuits seeking to hold oil companies liable for climate change damages ranging from coastal flooding to extreme weather costs. These cases claim companies knew about climate risks for decades while funding disinformation campaigns to delay action.

The EPA rollback potentially transforms these cases from longshot litigation into viable legal threats. State attorneys general can now argue that federal inaction necessitates state-level accountability measures. Industry's own lobbying for deregulation undermines its courtroom arguments against state jurisdiction.

In climate policy, as across environmental challenges, urgency must meet solutions—science demands action, but despair achieves nothing. The regulatory rollback demonstrates how environmental protection can shift from federal to state authority when Washington abandons leadership, though the fragmented approach carries its own complications.

Legal experts emphasize the stakes extend beyond individual cases. If state courts allow climate liability claims to proceed, the resulting litigation could force fossil fuel companies to pay billions in damages for past emissions and future climate impacts. The precedent would establish that corporations bear financial responsibility for environmental harms even absent federal regulation.

Industry groups recognize the danger. The American Petroleum Institute has warned member companies that losing federal preemption protection exposes them to a "patchwork" of state regulations and litigation—precisely the outcome the EPA's endangerment finding once helped prevent.

The awkwardness cuts deeper: fossil fuel companies spent decades and millions of dollars lobbying for reduced federal climate oversight. That successful advocacy now threatens to eliminate their strongest legal defense against state-level accountability. The victory may prove pyrrhic.

Not every legal expert agrees the EPA rollback dooms industry's preemption defense. Some argue federal authority persists even without active regulation, or that other doctrines limit state climate lawsuits. The question will ultimately reach the Supreme Court, where the conservative supermajority shapes environmental law for decades.

But the political optics remain striking: a Republican administration's deregulation agenda may inadvertently empower Democratic state attorneys general to pursue the very climate accountability the federal government refuses to enforce. The dynamic illustrates how environmental federalism functions when national policy fails.

Climate liability litigation has grown from academic theory into serious legal threat over the past decade. Courts have allowed several state cases to proceed past procedural hurdles, and discovery processes have revealed internal industry documents showing companies understood climate risks while publicly sowing doubt.

The EPA rollback adds momentum to this legal shift. Without federal climate regulation, states become the primary arena for climate accountability—exactly what Big Oil hoped to avoid. The companies now face the prospect of defending their climate record in dozens of state courtrooms rather than navigating a single federal regulatory framework.

Environmental advocates view the development as poetic justice but insufficient remedy. Litigation, while potentially effective at extracting damages, cannot match comprehensive climate policy for driving emissions reductions and clean energy deployment. State lawsuits provide accountability, not climate solutions.

Yet in the absence of federal action, state legal campaigns represent one of few remaining pathways to hold fossil fuel companies accountable for climate damages. The Trump administration's regulatory retreat may have unwittingly cleared the legal runway for precisely that outcome.

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