Former South Korean Prime Minister Han Duck Soo, who briefly served as acting president, has been sentenced to 23 years in prison for his role in supporting President Yoon Suk Yeol's December 3 martial law declaration, the Korea JoongAng Daily reported Tuesday.
The Seoul Central District Court convicted Han of insurrection and abuse of power, finding that he actively facilitated Yoon's attempt to suspend constitutional government rather than restraining the president as his constitutional duty required. The 23-year sentence represents one of the harshest punishments imposed on a senior government official in modern South Korean history.
"The defendant, as prime minister and constitutional successor, had a duty to protect democratic institutions," the court stated in its verdict. "Instead, he chose to enable their destruction. This represents a fundamental betrayal of the public trust."
The speed and severity of accountability is remarkable. Yoon declared martial law on December 3, claiming emergency powers to counter "anti-state forces." The National Assembly rejected the declaration within hours, as the constitution allows. Yet Han, serving as acting president after Yoon's impeachment by parliament, continued to support the former president's actions and delayed cooperating with investigators.
The court found that Han participated in planning meetings before the martial law declaration, advised Yoon on legal justifications, and used his authority as prime minister to order cabinet members to comply with martial law directives. Most damningly, Han allegedly instructed the Defense Ministry to prepare contingency plans for extended military rule if the National Assembly's rejection could be overridden.
Testimony from military officials revealed that Han attended a December 2 meeting at which Yoon and senior commanders discussed using martial law to "restore order" by detaining opposition lawmakers. Han did not object, prosecutors said, and instead offered legal arguments supporting broad martial law powers.
The verdict contrasts sharply with the slow pace of accountability for democratic backsliding in many countries. In the United States, years after the January 6, 2021 Capitol attack, many senior officials who facilitated President Trump's attempts to overturn election results have faced no criminal charges. In Brazil, former President Jair Bolsonaro's role in the January 8, 2023 riots in Brasília remains under investigation with no resolution in sight.
South Korea's judicial system, by contrast, moved with remarkable speed. Han's trial began less than seven weeks after the martial law attempt. The court heard testimony from 47 witnesses, reviewed thousands of pages of documents, and delivered a comprehensive 180-page verdict. Defense attorneys argued the process was rushed; prosecutors countered that the evidence was overwhelming.
Han, 73, served as prime minister from 2022 until his December arrest. A career bureaucrat who previously served as ambassador to the United States and finance minister, he was considered a technocratic stabilizing force in Yoon's administration. The court rejected defense arguments that Han acted under duress or feared for his safety.
"The defendant held the nation's second-highest office," the verdict stated. "He had numerous opportunities to refuse illegal orders, to resign in protest, or to alert the National Assembly. He chose none of these options."
The 23-year sentence effectively ends Han's public life. At 73, he is unlikely to complete even half the term. His conviction also strips him of his government pension and bars him from ever again holding public office. The court ordered him to forfeit approximately $2.3 million in assets, representing salary and benefits received while supporting illegal activities.
President Yoon himself awaits trial on more serious charges including leading the insurrection. Prosecutors have requested a 40-year sentence. If convicted, Yoon would become the fourth South Korean president to face criminal punishment after leaving office, following Chun Doo-hwan, Roh Tae-woo, and Park Geun-hye.
The pattern reflects both South Korea's troubled democratic history and its commitment to accountability. The country experienced military dictatorship until 1987, and institutional safeguards against authoritarianism remain robust. The National Assembly's rejection of Yoon's martial law within hours demonstrated those safeguards functioning as designed.
Opposition lawmakers praised the verdict as vindicating the rule of law. "This sends a clear message that no one—not the president, not the prime minister, not anyone—is above the constitution," said Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung, who is considered the frontrunner in the special presidential election expected in March.
Conservative politicians were more circumspect. Some members of Yoon's People Power Party suggested the sentence was excessive and politically motivated, though they stopped short of defending Han's actions. The party has struggled to distance itself from the martial law attempt while retaining its base, many of whom view Yoon as a victim of opposition persecution.
International reactions focused on South Korea's democratic resilience. US State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller called the verdict "a testament to South Korean democratic institutions," though he declined to compare it to accountability processes in other countries.
To understand today's headlines, we must look at yesterday's decisions. South Korea's rapid accountability for the December 3 martial law attempt reflects hard-learned lessons from decades of authoritarian rule. The country's democratic institutions, tested repeatedly, have developed institutional muscle memory for responding to democratic threats. That Han Duck Soo will spend more than two decades in prison for enabling an attempted coup is not excessive; it is the minimum price that democratic backsliding must carry if democracy is to survive.
