"After 75 years standing firm, we bend for what? American pressure? Saudi money?" asked Amina Masood, political science professor at Quaid-i-Azam University. "This contradicts Pakistan's founding principles."

Pakistan's position on Palestine has been unwavering since 1947. PM Zulfikar Ali Bhutto declared in 1974 Pakistan would recognize Israel only after Palestinian statehood. That stance survived coups, transitions, crises spanning five decades.

The policy carried real costs. Pakistan rejected billions in Israeli technology and defense cooperation. In 1973, Pakistan sent 16 fighter pilots to support Arab forces.

Now, facing its worst economic crisis - $25 billion in external debt due this year - Pakistan's government apparently couldn't afford to refuse.

"The Americans made clear: Join or face consequences for IMF funding," a senior foreign ministry official said on background. "With Saudi Arabia and UAE participating, we risked complete Muslim world isolation."

That pragmatic calculus may not survive public anger. Pakistan's military, which controls foreign policy, initially opposed joining. Army Chief General Asim Munir reportedly argued it would inflame extremism.

Those warnings appear prescient. The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan issued a statement calling the government "Zionist-American puppets" and vowing attacks. Religious parties announced nationwide Friday protests.

"The timing couldn't be worse," said Husain Haqqani, Pakistan's former U.S. ambassador. "You're asking a country in economic free-fall to fundamentally reverse its most emotionally resonant foreign policy. What could go wrong?"

The decision also exposes Pakistan's diminishing regional influence. When Saudi Arabia and UAE normalized with Israel in 2020, Islamabad held firm. This time, Pakistan follows rather than leads.

For Fatima Khan, a Lahore lawyer who organized student protests, the issue transcends politics. "My grandfather fought in Kashmir. My father protested for Palestine. Now we sit with Israel while Gaza burns? This isn't the Pakistan we know."

The "Board of Peace" has no clear mandate or authority. Palestinian authorities weren't invited and reject it entirely.

Pakistan's participation doesn't constitute formal recognition. But symbolism matters. Sitting at a table with Israeli officials shatters seven decades of policy consensus.

Opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf called it "a humiliation" and demanded parliament vote on withdrawal. Religious parties threatened "million-man marches."

For a country battling economic collapse, political instability, and militant violence, the Gaza board creates another crisis - this one self-inflicted.

"We traded our principles for a seat at a table that doesn't matter, alienating our own people," said Pervez Hoodbhoy, physicist and commentator. "That's not statecraft. That's desperation."

For 240 million people whose national identity intertwines Islamic solidarity and Palestinian support, joining a "peace board" with Israel tests the country's very understanding of itself.

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