The official start of Hungary's parliamentary election campaign has laid bare a country deeply divided, as throngs of citizens gather at opposition rallies while the ruling party's events draw sparse crowds—a reversal that has stunned political observers who have watched Prime Minister Viktor Orbán dominate Hungarian politics for nearly 15 years.
Photographs circulating on social media and verified by multiple sources show dramatic contrasts: campaign stands for the opposition TISZA Party surrounded by hundreds of supporters in Budapest and provincial towns, while nearby Fidesz party booths stand largely empty, attended only by a handful of party workers.
"I've covered Hungarian politics since 2010, and I've never seen anything like this," said András Tóth, a political analyst at the Budapest-based Policy Solutions think tank. "The energy is entirely on the opposition side. That's a fundamental shift."
To understand today's headlines, we must look at yesterday's decisions. Orbán's Fidesz party has controlled Hungarian politics with overwhelming majorities since 2010, benefiting from a favorable electoral system, near-total control over state media, and an opposition that spent years fragmented and ineffective. The party's dominance seemed unassailable even six months ago.
The emergence of the TISZA Party, led by political newcomer Péter Magyar, has disrupted that calculus. Magyar, a former Fidesz insider who dramatically broke with Orbán last year, has channeled widespread frustration with corruption, economic mismanagement, and Hungary's growing international isolation.
Recent polling suggests a tight race, with some surveys showing TISZA within striking distance of Fidesz for the first time since the ruling party's rise to power. The April 13 election has taken on outsized significance, with many Hungarians viewing it as a referendum on Orbán's tenure and Hungary's future direction.
The government has responded with a massive propaganda campaign. State television has launched new programming focused on "The Horrors of War," featuring content that opposition politicians describe as thinly veiled fear-mongering suggesting that an opposition victory would drag Hungary into the Ukraine conflict. Billboards funded by the government blanket cities with messages warning against change.
"The regime is deploying every tool at its disposal," said Katalin Cseh, a Hungarian member of the European Parliament. "What we're seeing is propaganda saturation—an attempt to manufacture fear and uncertainty about the opposition."
European Union officials have watched the campaign with concern. Hungary has been at odds with Brussels for years over rule-of-law issues, media freedom, and Orbán's close relationship with Russia. The EU has withheld billions of euros in funding over governance concerns.
A TISZA victory would likely improve relations between Budapest and Brussels, potentially unlocking frozen funds and ending Hungary's role as a spoiler within EU decision-making. Magyar has pledged to restore Hungary's traditional pro-Western orientation while maintaining pragmatic relations with all partners.
However, election observers warn that Fidesz's control over electoral administration and state resources creates an uneven playing field. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has criticized previous Hungarian elections as free but not entirely fair, citing media bias and abuse of administrative resources.
"The question is whether momentum and enthusiasm can overcome structural advantages," noted Dr. Edit Zgut, a Hungarian political scientist at the Polish Academy of Sciences. "Orbán has lost before—in 2002 and 2006. But the system is more favorable to incumbents now than it was then."
As the 50-day campaign unfolds, both sides are mobilizing supporters for what promises to be the most consequential election in Hungary's post-communist history. The enthusiasm gap visible at campaign stands suggests the opposition has captured something real—whether it's enough remains to be seen.
